Tuesday 17 March 2015

THE FUTURE OF THE VALLEYS



The BBC Wales documentary on the future of the South Wales Valleys broadcast on 16 March 2015* may be justified as provoking debate but what is desperately needed is intelligent and rational discussion of the issues. Engineering yet another confrontational exchange may be the default setting for those making cheap television but will do little to address the deep rooted social and economic problems of this or other parts of Wales. All too often any meaningful progress has been retarded by this approach in which reasoning turns quickly to rhetoric.

The documentary did little to properly explore the issues that were raised by Jonathan Adams in his IWA paper entitled A Catalyst for Reshaping the Valley Towns. The key point is in the word ‘reshaping’ and the prevailing tone of the trailers and the programme implied some vague proposal for a latter day Highland Clearance. The suggestion originally made by Jonathan Adams was neither ‘radical’ or ‘controversial’ as claimed by the narrator of the documentary and can in fact be seen  to be a simple reiteration of observations made in the South Wales Outline Plan of 1949;

 “ One of the major tasks facing the present generation is to devise means for rejuvenating the (mining) valleys…. The environment of those who live and work in these valleys must be radically improved……. The dual objective of physical planning in these (mining) areas must be to so ameliorate present conditions that industry can function more efficiently, and that those living there and dependent on it can do so in surroundings, and as part of a social structure, comparable with the best standards of modern neighbourhood planning”(South Wales Outline Plan 1949, p19)

The 1949 plan also suggested that the clearance and ‘thinning out’ of outworn dwellings was part of this process of renovation together with better communications, schools and community centres and recreation facilities. An underlying point is that the settlements in that particular area were dysfunctional from the time they were built. The 1949 plan recognised that the impact of coal mining on forms of urban development  was the rapid unplanned construction of “dwellings anywhere and anyhow” and an “untidy sprawl of towns and villages”. In short the settlements were produced by an inherently toxic combination of economic imperative and challenging topography. The proposals by Jonathan Adams are then more optimistic than the view of the great urban geographer Harold Carter in The Towns of Wales in 1965:

“The general character of these towns is, unfortunately, only too well known, and modern planning can do but little to improve it”

It is not then a novel debate nor did the documentary make any new observations. Those settlements that were the focus of the programme were largely the product of coal mining, an industry which grew from the 1850’s in that area, peaked in 1913 and progressively declined until   1989. In short it is 25 years since it’s been gone and 40 years since Max Boyce recorded Rhondda Grey and the issues are still not being discussed rationally.

The relationship between the Valleys and Cardiff was again raised as a contentious issue although that should be recognised as being symbiotic since BEFORE the industrialisation of South Wales. Cardiff relied upon its hinterland when its principal export was butter. Industrialisation must be seen to have been entirely dependent upon transport infrastructure for only with the construction of railways and connection to docks at Cardiff would the mining industry and ports grow from the 1840’s.  Communications remain central to the overall prosperity of the region and this has, again, been a standing issue since the South Wales Outline Plan of 1947;

 “As to regional communications, drastic improvements are called for ……. Though geographical circumstances in South Wales, and particularly in the mining valleys, often cause difficulties in attaining that end” (P10)

The documentary also did a disservice to the counter arguments for the Valleys.  Clearly there has been a need to address the catastrophic decline in the mining and other industries of South Wales.  As was pointed out in the course of the programme interventions in the form of factory building to create and diversify employment have been undertaken since the 1930’s when unemployment in the Valleys was around 40%. Interestingly the first major initiative, even then, involved the establishment of the Treforest Trading Estate on 272 acres of land closer to the coastal belt. The Distribution of Industries Act 1945 granted extensive powers to the Board of Trade for;

·        Building factories in the old ‘Distressed Areas’ and providing finance for industrial estates.
·        The provision for grants or loans to be made available to industrialists willing to establish factories in in these areas and
·        Financial aid for improvement of basic services and clearance of derelict sites

From the 1970’s there were the land reclamation programmes, industrial estates and other major interventions of the Welsh Development Agency. These so-called ‘regeneration’ initiatives have undoubtedly mitigated the full impact of industrial decline but, overall, GDP figures and other statistics suggest that the Valleys are falling further behind the European average. The area remains consistently at the top of league tables for inequalities of poverty, health and education.  Since devolution over £1.2bn of European aid has been spent in the Valleys and West Wales and nearly £300m on flagship Communities First projects to reduce poverty and empower the poorest areas in Wales. As to the latter the Welsh Assembly's Public Accounts Committee suggest that such initiatives have failed and the conclusion must be that small community based projects, as worthy and well intentioned as they are, will not in themselves reverse the damaging legacy of massive industrial decline.  

A forty minute television programme is not going produce a solution to the problems of the Valleys. From the outset the people who live there had to confront adversity from the nature of the predominant form of employment itself, mining, and the nature of the people who employed them. That history of struggle might even be said to inform the tenor of the argument put on their behalf in that television programme which was one of aggressive sentimentality. It most certainly colours their response to proposals emerging from Cardiff, London or Brussels and therein lays another problem. City regions have been a given through the course of human settlement and the vocal denial of this fact by those who claim to represent valley communities has retarded initiatives which might benefit the region and there is every sign that they will continue to do so. The deep seated parochialism of the Valleys communities can be represented as local pride and independence but there will come a time when the world will decide it can move on without them. 
    

The people of Wales and many elsewhere fully recognise that there is a unique history and character in the South Wales valleys and acknowledge that it has contributed significantly to a distinct regional identity. However, it may well be the case that more negative perceptions will be formed by the repeated claims that their lifestyle choice to remain there must be perpetuated by permanent subsidy of others in wider society. That was the impression given by those opposing Jonathan Adams proposition and a much more positive and constructive approach and tone may be needed to avoid further alienation of the Valleys from other communities in Wales. My first job was in Cardiff Docks and there was a tacit understanding that I would be obliged to go there i.e. they weren't going to bring the boats around to Skewen to save me the bother. 


*http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/b05gndqz/how-green-is-my-valley-a-future-for-the-valleys

Tuesday 10 March 2015

WOLF HWYL II - Neath Abbey




As a footnote to the preceding blog Richard Cromwell, the character played by Joss Porter in the BBC adaptation of Wolf Hall, was born by 1502 in the parish of Llanishen, Glamorganshire.  He was the great-grandfather of Oliver Cromwell, and one time owner of Neath Abbey. He was the eldest son of Morgan Williams an ‘aspiring Welsh lawyer’ who moved to Putney and set up as an innkeeper and brewer. Williams was married to Katherine, sister of Thomas Cromwell and both Morgan and Richard would benefit financially through the familial relationship with Cromwell, the younger taking his uncles surname.

Sir Richard Cromwell, a soldier of some note, was introduced to the Court of Henry VIII and was active in the dissolution of the monasteries. Among them was Neath Abbey which was surrendered to Thomas Cromwell in 1539. The site and demesnes at Neath were first leased to Richard Cromwell who then bought the site and demesnes along with a large part of the abbey’s other estates in South Wales for the sum of £731.0s.7 ½d in 1542. The same year he sold on the grange and chapel at Nash, lands in St Brides, Wick and Marcross and the vicarage of St Donats to Sir Thomas Stradling. The Grange at Sker was sold to Christopher Turberville. 

In the course of the 16th century the site and demesnes at Neath were acquired by Sir John Herbert, second secretary of state to Elizabeth I and James I who rebuilt the former abbot’s house into a large country manor house. (See preceding blog for The Herberts). The remains of that Elizabethan house form the south elevations of the remaining 'abbey ruins'. In the absence of a male heir the estate passed to the Doddington family and then to the Hoby family. In 1699 Mrs Hoby died, and her daughter Katherine, who was married to Griffith Rice of Dinefwr, Carmarthenshire, inherited the bulk of the property. 

The estate remained in the hands of the barons Dynevor until it was sold in 1946 but during the C18th the abbey fell on very hard times. By 1731 it was being used for copper smelting and subsequently as part of the nearby Neath Abbey Ironworks. The Tennant Canal was driven through its south side in the 1820’s and Brunel ran the Vale of Neath railway on an embankment along what would have been the north side of the abbey church in the 1850’s. Various copper works were built on the adjacent river bank through the C18th including the Mines Royal and Cheadle  It remained in a state of extreme dereliction half buried in industrial detritus which was cleared by volunteers in the 1920’s and 30’s.

Through the 1950’s and 1960’s the town rubbish tip was located across from the abbey on the canal bank. For a short time the ground on the west side of the abbey was used as a greyhound track and then a motorcycle speedway in the early 1960’s. That area is now covered with the Neath Abbey industrial estate facing the A465 dual carriageway and a large used car showroom.

Described by John Leland just before its dissolution as ‘the fairest abbey of all Wales’ it has remained behind a Ministry of Works fence. The setting of the abbey ruins remains an utter disgrace but they are occasionally put to profitable use by BBC Wales when they need a noble ruin completely untroubled by visitors. It should not be beyond the limited wit of Cadw and local planners to formulate a long term plan to incorporate the abbey ruins into a programme of work which would embrace local marshland, the adjacent River Clydach and the Tennant Canal into an attractive local amenity.


This could perhaps be done by the 500th anniversary of its dissolution in 2039. It would be best not to wait until 2112 and the millennium of its foundation as an abbey…….